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AUDIO OF PART OF THIS SPEECH WITH VIDEO COMPILATION
(NOT CREATED BY WFF - EXTERNAL SOURCE)
My German countrymen, men and women
Changes of Government have occurred frequently in history, and in the history
of our people. It is certain, however, that never was a change of Government
attended with such far-reaching results as that eight years ago. At that time
the situation of the Reich was desperate. We were called upon to take over the
leadership of the nation at a moment when it did not seem to develop towards a
great rise. We were given power in circumstances of the greatest conceivable
pressure, the pressure of the knowledge that, by itself, everything was lost,
and that, in the eyes of the noblest minds, this represented a last attempt,
while in the eyes of evil-wishers it should condemn the National-Socialist
Movement to final failure. Unless the German nation could be saved, by a
miracle, the situation was bound to end in disaster. For during a period of 15
years, events had moved downward without respite. On the other hand, this
situation was only the result of the World War: of the outcome of the World War,
of our own internal, political, moral, and military collapse. For these reasons
it is particularly important on a day like this to think back to the course of
that entire national misfortune.
THE CAUSES OF WORLD WAR I
What was the cause of the World War? I do not want to explain it from the
personal aspect, about which so many treatises have been written. Ordered by the
present President Roosevelt, American scholars have investigated the cause of
the World War and made sure that there could be no German guilt. In moments of
so great importance in contemporary history, individuals can play a significant
part only if they enter the scene as really outstanding personalities. This was
not then the case. Neither on the German nor on the other side were there
personalities cast in an unusual mould. The cause, therefore, could not be due
to the failure or to the will of individuals. The reasons went deeper. The
German form of government, certainly, could not have been the cause of that war,
for Germany was a democracy already-and what a democracy! Strictly copied from
the western countries, it was compromise between monarchy and parliamentary
leadership. On account of its form of government then, this State could
certainly not be the cause of the war waged by the democracies against the Reich
as it was then. Germany, considered as a political factor in the world, was much
more of a cause, for after centuries of disruption and ensuing weakness, the
German tribes and states had at last combined into a new State which naturally
introduced a new element into the so-called Balance of Power, an element which
was regarded as an alien body by others. Even more potent, perhaps was dislike
of the Reich as an economic factor. After Germany had tried for centuries to
remedy her economic distress by letting people gradually starve or forcing them
to emigrate, the increasing consolidation of the, political power of the Reich
gave rise to a development of economic power. Germany began to export
commodities rather than men, thereby securing the necessary markets in the
world, a process, natural and just from our point of view, but others regarded
it as encroachment into their most sacred domains.
BRITISH IMPERIALISM AND DECEIT
Here we come to the State which regarded this encroachment as
intolerable-England.
Three hundred years earlier England had gradually built her Empire, not
perhaps through the free will or the unanimous demonstrations of those affected,
but for 300 years this World Empire was welded together solely by force. War
followed war. One nation after another was robbed of its freedom. One
state after another was shattered so that the structure which calls itself the
British Empire might arise. Democracy was nothing but a mask covering
subjugation and the oppression of nations and individuals. This State cannot
allow its members to vote if today, after they have been worked upon for
centuries, they should freely choose to be members of this Commonwealth. On the
contrary, Egyptian Nationalists, Indian Nationalists in their thousands are
filling the prisons. Concentration camps were not invented in Germany; it is
the English who were the ingenious inventors of this idea. By these means
they contrived to break the backbone of other nations, to remove their
resistance, to wear them down, and make them prepared at last to submit to this
British yoke of democracy.
In this process, a formidable weapon was that of lying, that is, of
propaganda. A proverb says that if the Englishman speaks of God he means cotton.
And so it is today. Considering how pious and religious are the outward gestures
of men who deliberately, and with a cold heart, drive nation after nation into a
struggle serving only their material interests, one is compelled to state that
rarely has human hypocrisy reached such a pitch as that of the English today. At
any rate, at the end of the blood-stained path of British history over three
centuries stands the fact that 46,000,000 Englishmen in the mother country are
ruling about a quarter of the globe.
This means that there are 46,000,000 men for about 40,000,000 square
kilometers. It is important, my countrymen, to shout this to the world again
and again, for they are brazen democratic liars who assert that the so-called
Authoritarian States are out to conquer the world, while in fact, the conquerors
of the world are our old enemies. The British World Empire has left behind
an icy stream of blood and tears in the path of its creation. It rules today,
undoubtedly, a tremendous section of the globe. But this world government is
affected not by the power of an idea, but essentially by force, and where force
does not suffice, by the power of capitalist or economic interests.
Bearing in mind the history of the British Empire, we can understand the
process itself only as a result of the complete absence of the European
Continent as an entity in face of this development, particularly by the absence
of the German Reich. For 300 years, Germany was practically non-existent. While
the British talked of God without losing sight of their economic interests, the
German nation, overstrained to the limit, raised religious problems to such
importance that bloody wars, lasting for centuries, ensued. This was one of the
conditions which made the formation of the British Empire possible, for in the
same measure with which the German nation spent its strength internally, it was
eliminated as a power internationally, and in the same measure England could,
undisturbed, build her Empire through robbery.
Not only was Germany practically eliminated from competition on this globe
during those three centuries; the same holds for Italy, where there were similar
phenomena as in Germany, but of a political and dynastic rather than a religious
nature. For other reasons again, another great nation in East Asia was
eliminated, which also for nearly four centuries had gradually withdrawn from
the rest of the world, and ceasing to regard its own living space as vital
plunged into voluntary solitude.
In this way a system arose, particularly in Europe, which England called the
Balance of Power, which means, in fact, disorganization of the European
Continent in favor of the British Isles. For this reason it was for centuries
the aim of British policy to maintain this disorganization, not under the name
of "disorganization" of course, but with a better sounding name. Just as they do
not speak of cotton, but say "God," they do not speak of the disorganization of
Europe but of the "Balance of Power." And this so-called Balance of Power, that
is the real internal importance of Europe, enabled England again and again to
play one State against another, so keeping the forces of Europe involved in
internal struggle. Thus England could thrust forward undisturbed into other
areas offering comparatively little resistance.
ENGLAND'S INTERNAL SOCIAL ILLS
And yet to speak today of England's World Power or of England as the master
of the world, is nothing but an illusion. To begin with her internal situation:
England, in spite of her world conquests is perhaps socially the most backward
State in Europe. Socially backward-that is, a State orientated entirely in the
interests of a comparatively small and thin upper stratum and the Jewish clique
with which it is allied. The interests of the broad masses are of no weight in
determining the orientation of this State. Here again propaganda phrases must
serve. One speaks about freedom, one speaks about democracy, one speaks about
the achievements of a Liberal system meaning nothing but the stabilization of
the regime of a section of society, which, thanks to its capital, is able to get
hold of the Press, to organize and direct it, and to create public opinion.
Thus, in a State commanding the riches of the world, having gigantic living
space at its disposal, in a State with altogether hardly one inhabitant per
square kilometer, in a State so blessed by nature, millions are excluded from
these benefits, and live in greater poverty than the population of any of the
over-populated central European States. The country which is a paradise for a
few, is nothing but continuous misery for many, that is, for the masses.
Misery in nourishment, misery in clothing, misery particularly in housing;
misery in security of income, and in the entire social legislation. And if all
of a sudden a British Labor Secretary, who, incidentally, as a member of the
Opposition, is paid by the State, appears and says: "After this war, after
victory, England will have to tackle social problems; we will have to care for
the wide masses," I can only reply, "We have done this long ago."
It is only interesting to us as a confirmation of our thesis that England in
reality is socially the most backward country in the world. Thus, considered
internally, this gigantic external wealth is really barren as far as the masses
as distinct from the few are concerned. But even externally this world
domination is only a figment. New centers have been given to the world. Gigantic
States have arisen which can be neither attacked nor even threatened by Great
Britain. The whole British idea of world domination was based on getting others
to proceed against the Continent. But outside this European Continent or far
beyond it great States have come into existence which are completely
unassailable by England. British diplomacy may only attempt to maintain its
position there by clever manipulations and by trying to bring other forces into
play, which means that it must now attempt to raise the so-called Balance of
Power in Europe to a Balance of Power in the world. In other words, it has to
play Great Powers against each other in order to maintain at least a semblance
of a World Power.
In Europe, itself, however, the awakening of the nations has already done
away with the theory of the so-called Balance of Power, that is, disorganization
of the Continent.
WORLD WAR I CAUSED BY BRITAIN'S ENVY OF GERMANY AS A WORLD POWER
The national development of Germany and the creation of the new German Empire
pierced into this disorganized European Continent and to the south of us, Italy
did the same. To this must be added new elements which make the Balance of Power
appear an illusion. It exists no longer. Therein we really see the real reason
for the World War. Since 1871, when German tribes began to organize themselves
and, under the leadership of a statesman of genius, formed an Empire once more,
and the national rebirth of the German nation found expression in a united
state, Great Britain has been persecuting this new apparition. In 1871, even in
1870, immediately after the battle of Sedan, British newspapers began to point
out that this new structure was more dangerous to Great Britain than France had
been. It had been hoped even then that Prussia might succeed, perhaps, by a long
war, in throwing back France, but there was no wish that from Prussia's rise
there should emerge a national German re-birth or, even more, a new German
Empire.
Thus began the period from 1871 to 1914, in which Great Britain continually
plotted for a war against Germany, in which she was hostile and aggressive to
Germany at every opportunity, until finally the World War broke out, the work of
quite a small group of international, unscrupulous rogues. And Great Britain
received foreign help for this World War, which, again, she was only able to
wage with foreign help.
It is interesting to visualize the development of the British policy of world
domination during the last 400 years. First, there was Spain, with Dutch help;
then the fight against the Dutch, with the help of other European States, France
amongst them; then, finally, was against France, with the help of Europe and
that part of the world at Great Britain's disposal.
The World War which shook Europe from 1914 to 1918 was exclusively the
longed-for result of British statesmanship. Although the whole world had at that
time been mobilized against Germany, Germany was actually not defeated. We may
safely state this today.
I should not like to be a critic of the past if I had not improved upon it.
But today, as one of the historic men who have improved matters, I may
critically examine and judge the past, and all I can say is that the result of
the year 1918 is merely the consequence of a rare accumulation of personal
inefficiency in the leadership of our nation, a unique accumulation which had
never existed before in history, nor-let me tell these gentlemen-will it ever be
repeated. In spite of all this, this country and the German soldier for four
years withstood the attack of a hostile world, and the German nation still
believed in the honor of the remaining democratic world and its statesmen.
This credulity of the German nation, which was at the time regretted by many,
received a terrible reward. If today Englishmen come along and believe that it
is only necessary to put on the gramophone the old propaganda records of the
years 1917-18 in order to achieve a new result, I can only say they have not
forgotten anything, but unfortunately for them, they have not learned by
experience. In this respect they differ from the German people. The German
nation has learned since then; nor has it forgotten anything.
GERMANY DEFEATED BY ANGLO-AMERICAN LIES
We do not wish to be mean. Many times there have been broken pledges in
the past. But what happened in the years following 1918 was not one broken
pledge; broken pledges were mass-produced. Not a single pledge has been
fulfilled. Never before has a great nation been deceived as the German nation
was then deceived. It had received so many assurances, this credulous nation
had been promised so much, and what did they do to our nation? It was plundered,
it was exploited. A foreign statesman, an American, was employed to make the
German people even more credulous. Perhaps this was really the reason why the
German people were duped by this maneuver. But in this respect, too, they are
immune against any similar attempts. The German people had opportunities, year
after year, to ponder the sincerity of democratic promises and assurances and
the honesty of democratic statesmen, to make comparison and to test them against
their own experiences. It was in this period that the National Socialist
movement originated.
NATIONAL SOCIALISM A REACTION TO DECEIT AND FAILURE OF PARLIAMENTARY
DEMOCRACY
If they now say: "But why did they pounce on a new ideology?" my answer is
"Because the old one failed miserably." Not only in the interior-Heavens!
Democracy was a pitiful thing with us! When 40 or 50 odd parties compete with
their gigantic philosophical interests, ranging from that of property down to
the level of cyclists' clubs, estate owners and so on, that in itself is a very
bad sight; but quite apart from that; if we only had been rewarded externally
for this miserable internal democratic distortion of our lives, we could at
least say: "Well that stuff has certainly failed at home, but at least you
received decent treatment outside." At home the whole thing was, of course,
nothing but a joke, but foreign countries took you seriously-or at least they
pretended that they wanted to take you seriously. If they had kept some of their
promises because you were willing to be good democrats on the pattern of others.
Oh, if at least this had been the case! But who was it they blackmailed? Who was
it they sweated? Was it the National Socialist State? It was the German
democracy!
BIRTH OF NATIONAL SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY
When I came home in 1918 and lived through the winter of 1918 and 1919, I
realized, like many other people, that we could not expect regeneration from the
existing political world in Germany, and so I began to search-as did so many
others-and this was how that conception originated which later conquered the
German nation as National-Socialism. I started from the one insight: the German
nation fell because it indulged in the luxury of spending its strength at home.
This use of strength in the interior took away external strength according to an
external law.
The German nation had hoped to gain, in turn, the goodwill of others but it
met only the naked egotism of the cruelest and meanest vested interests, which
began to loot everything there was to loot. One should not have expected
anything else. But now the die was cast. One thing seemed obvious to me: any
rise could not originate from outside. First, the German nation had to learn to
understand its own political struggle, which enabled it to rally Germany's
entire strength above all its idealistic strength. And this idealistic
strength was at the time only to be found in two camps; in the Socialist and in
the Nationalist camps. But these were the camps between which there was the most
mortal feud and strife. These two camps had to be fused into a new unit.
Today, my countrymen, when millions and millions are marching under the
symbol of this unity, this appears to be obvious. But in the years 1918 and
19l9, this seemed to be the product of a diseased imagination. At best, people
pitied me. Perhaps, my countrymen, it was lucky that it was so. If people had
taken me seriously at that time, they would probably have destroyed me, and the
movement at that time was much too small to be able to survive such a
destruction. But it was perhaps destiny willed by nature or by God, that they
laughed at us, mocked us, and that a certain type of propaganda only ridiculed
us and regarded us as a joke. Thus we succeeded, gradually, in forming the first
germ, and the first nucleus of a new national community, an almost incredible
historical phenomenon started by unknown people and willing followers among the
masses of the people itself.
There is only one other State in which this process may be regarded as having
come to a successful conclusion: Italy; nowhere else in Europe. In many States
we see, perhaps, a beginning and in all the democracies they fully realize the
importance of such a process, and believe that they can achieve similar results
by swindle. They forget one thing: such a rebirth of a nation is really a
miraculous event, an event which pre-supposes faith rather than so-called
abstract and super-clever knowledge.
The fact that in the years 1918 to 1921 the simple belief of the broad masses
slowly came to us, was the beginning of our Movement. That made the little man
from the factories and the mines, from the farms, from the offices, believe in
his future, in the future of this idea and this Movement, and in the victory
which was yet to come. At that time our point of view was that if the German
nation were not to repair its prestige in the world, that is to say, did not
again become a powerful factor, Germany would shortly have 20,000,000 people
less. This was a matter of simple deduction.
Year after year unemployment increased and caused the confusion of national
conceptions and of economic plans. The constant change of Governments prevented
any wider vision. Projects could not even be made for two or three months ahead,
because one could be sure that in three months the government would have
changed. One would say "Why should I clear up the mistakes made by others?"
Another would say, "Why should I make improvements only for someone else to
benefit?" There was no longer any reason to attempt any efficacious and real
solution. But this state of affairs naturally increased national weakness, and
the economic decline, and caused more unemployment. The burden became greater,
the capacity to carry it less, and the end had to be a collapse, the result of
which could not be foreseen.
It was well to be believed that the kind and humane prophecy of the great
democrat Clemenceau that we had 20,000,000 people too many would become the
truth. Thus the program of unification of the German forces, of blind obedience
to a goal was created to assure our right to live forever and ever.
By so doing we chose a path between two extremes. The one of these
extremes was holding our people: It was the liberal-individualist extreme which
made the individual not only the centre of interest but also the centre of all
action. On the other hand, our people were tempted by the theory of universal
humanity which alone was to guide the individual. Our ideals were between
the two: we saw the people as a community of body and soul, formed and willed by
Providence. We are put into this community and within it alone can we form our
existence. We have consciously subordinated all considerations to this goal,
have shaped all interests according to it, and all our actions. Thus the
National-Socialist world of thought arose which has overcome individualism, but
not by cutting down individual capacities or individual initiative, only by
asserting that the common interest is superior to individual liberty and the
initiative of the individual. This common interest regulates and orders, if
necessary, curtails, but also commands.
Thus we started a struggle against everyone in those days, against the
individualist as well as against the humanitarians. And in this struggle we
slowly conquered the German nation during 14 years. The 1000 members which this
Movement counted at the end of its first year of life, a number which was to
increase steadily-these followers were but Germans who had come from other
movements. Hundreds of thousands of my SA and SS had been fighters in other
organizations, whom we had all convinced and conquered by winning their inner
allegiance. That was perhaps the greatest battle of souls in our history. I
could not force anybody to go with me, to enter my organization-they all had to
be inwardly convinced and this conviction caused them to make great sacrifices.
This struggle was to be really fought out in the spirit by word, form and
writing. Only when an ill-willed opponent said: "I cannot defeat you in the
spirit, but I am stronger than you," only then did I, the former soldier,
rightly answer violence with violence. Before I (words lost) ... the fighting
movement which fought by the spirit as long as the opponent kept to spiritual
weapons. ... But I did not hesitate to appeal to violence when the other thought
he would help the spirit by violence.
Our opponents at that time were those who have always fought us inside as
well as outside the country: a conglomeration of people who feel, think and act
according to international ideas. We know the coalitions of that time. In this
battle of the spirit we have defeated them everywhere. For when at last I was
called to power, I came in the legal way, under the Presidency of Reichs General
Field Marshal von Hindenburg because I was backed by the strongest movement.
This means that the so-called National Socialist Revolution has defeated
democracy, within democracy, by democracy. We acquired power legally and today,
too, I am facing you here on a mandate given to me by the German nation, a
mandate more comprehensive than that which any one of the so-called democratic
statesmen possess today.
When we came to power in 1933 our road was clearly mapped out. It had been
defined in a struggle of 15 years, which in a thousand demonstrations had put us
under an obligation to the German people. And I would be dishonorable and
deserve to be stoned if I had deviated but one step from this program, or if I
were to do so now. The social part of this program meant unifying the German
people, overcoming all class and race prejudices, educating the German for the
community, and if necessary, breaking any opposition to this unity.
Economically, it meant building a National German economy which appreciated the
importance of private initiative, but subordinated the entire economic life to
the common interest. Believe me, here, too, no other aim is thinkable. In
times in which the sons are arrayed for defense in battle, and where no
difference can be made between those who represent much, and those who represent
little, economic advantages or privileged positions to the disadvantage of the
total community cannot be maintained. As everywhere, I proceeded here by
teaching, educating and slow adaptation, for it was my pride to carry out this
revolution without one single window-pane being broken in Germany. A revolution
which led to the greatest changes ever achieved on earth, but which destroyed
nothing, only slowly reorganized everything, until at last the entire great
community had found its new road, that was my goal.
FOREIGN POLICY
It was the same in foreign politics. My program was to do away with
Versailles. People all over the world should not pretend to be simpletons and
act as if I had only discovered this program in 1933, or 1935 or 1937. These
gentlemen should only have read what I wrote about myself a thousand times
instead of listening to stupid émigré trash. No human being can have stated and
written down as often as I what he wanted, and I wrote it again and again: "Away
with Versailles!"
And this was not a whim of ours, but the reason was that Versailles was the
greatest injustice and the most abject ill-treatment of a great people ever
known in history. Without the abolition of this instrument of force-meant to
destroy the German people-it would have been impossible to keep this people
alive. I came forward as a soldier with this program, and spoke about it for the
first time in 1919. And I have kept to this program as to a solemn obligation
during all the years of the struggle for power, and when I came to power I did
not say like democratic politicians (follows a quotation from Schiller's Fiasco
meaning roughly: "The monster has carried out his work, now he can be
dismissed.") But at that moment I said to myself: "Thank God, for having brought
me to a point where I can put my program into action."
But again I did not want to do this with violence. I talked as much as any
human being can. My speeches in the Reichstag, which cannot be falsified by
democratic statesmen, are evidence for history. What offers did I make them! How
I begged them to be reasonable! I begged them to see reason and not to interfere
with the existence of a great nation. I proved to them that they themselves
would derive no benefit from it. I told them it was senseless, and that they
would only do themselves harm. What have I not done in all these years to pave
the way to an understanding? It would never have been possible to begin this
armament race unless others had wanted it. I made proposals to them. However,
every proposal, coming as it did from me, was sufficient to cause excitement
among a certain Jewish-international-capitalist clique, just as it used to
happen formerly in Germany when every reasonable proposal was rejected only
because it was made by National Socialists.
My Reichstag speech on 17th May 1933, or for that matter, my later speeches,
my innumerable announcements at public meetings, all the memoranda which I wrote
in these days-they were all governed by the one idea: whatever happened it must
be possible to find a method for a peaceful revision of this Versailles Treaty.
That this Treaty was an infamous document, all its authors finally admitted. In
fact, the possibility of a revision was to be left open. Only they made the
League of Nations the agent for this purpose, and this institution was quite
unsuited for its task. The League of Nations was established on the one hand to
prevent a revision of the Treaty, and, on the other hand, was to have
jurisdiction for such a revision.
At first we were not members of the League, and later German participation
amounted in the last analysis to nothing but the payments of yearly
installments. That was the only positive thing as far as Germany could see. Of
course, Germany was then a Democracy and the Democrats of Berlin begged, on
their knees. They went to Geneva before the International Tribunal. They begged:
"Give us a revision." Everything was in vain.
I, as a National Socialist, recognized after a few months that this Tribunal
would not help us. Accordingly, I did what I could, but I say our adversaries
always confused us with the people with whom they had dealt since November 1918.
The German nation had nothing in common with those men. That was not Germany.
They were miserable individuals kept by England and France, who had doped them.
That was not the German nation, and to connect the nation with such people we
regard as a defamation.
If the others believed they could apply the same methods to us they applied
to the November men, they were greatly mistaken. In that event both sides were
at cross purposes. They could not expect us to go to Geneva and continue
begging, to receive kicks, and to beg again. If they expected that, they mistook
the former German soldier for the traitor of 1918. Of course, those November men
could not do anything but give in, for they were in fetters; they were caught in
the fetters of that other world. We, however, have no reason to give in to that
other world, or do the English perhaps believe that we have an inferiority
complex when we compare ourselves with them. (Several words drowned in
applause.)
Then they forced us down by a lie; a trick, but the British soldiers did not
defeat us. Neither did it seem during the Western campaign that any change has
taken place.
I, myself, and in fact, all of us, made up our minds that voluntary
negotiation at Geneva would not yield any result. The only thing to do,
therefore, was to leave Geneva.
Never in my life have I pushed myself. Those who do not want to talk to me
need not do so. Now here are 85,000,000 Germans looking into the future with
pride and confidence. They are heirs of a great history. We had a world empire
when England was nothing but a small island, and for a longer time than for 300
years. Indeed, they forced us to take the road which we took. The League of
Nations only ridiculed and derided us. We left it. At the Disarmament
Conference, the same happened, and we left it. We started on the road which we
were forced to choose, but all the time we strove for understanding and
conciliation. In this connection I may point out that our striving in one case,
in that of France, almost succeeded. When the Saar Plebiscite took place and the
Saar territory was returned to the Reich, I made up my mind, with difficulty,
and declared on behalf of the German nation that I would waive any further
revision in the West. The French accepted this as a matter of course, but I told
the French Ambassador of the day: Look here, this is by no means a matter of
course as you seem to imagine. What we are doing is making a sacrifice in the
interest of peace. We make this sacrifice, but we, at least, want to have peace
in exchange for it.
But the ruthlessness of the capitalist plutocrats in these countries always
broke through in a short time, fostered by emigrants who presented a picture of
the German situation which was naturally quite mad, but was believed because it
seemed agreeable and then, of course, it was propagated by Jewish hatred. This
collection of capitalist interests on the one hand, Jewish instincts of hatred
and the emigrants' lust for revenge, succeeded in increasingly beclouding the
world, enveloping it in phrases, and in inciting it against the present German
Reich, just as against the Reich which preceded us. At that time they opposed
the Germany of the Kaiser, this time they opposed National Socialist Germany. In
fact, they opposed any Germany which might be in existence. But my decision was
firm: in no circumstances to abandon one's rights, for in doing so it would not
be theories which were given up, but the lives of millions of the future. I do
not sacrifice some point or other in a party program, for in such a case one
sacrifices the future, a race, and nobody is entitled to do that unless he
stands before the people and says: "I can no longer represent your interests;
someone else must take over."
But we did not come to power having on our program: "We are ready to abandon
the interests of the German nation." I came with the oath: "I abandon no
interests." For, my country, it was not as if the abandoning of interests would
bring quiet for all time. We saw that from the old German Reich, which began
with abandoning the Western Provinces of the Reich, and went on and on, and
every decade demanded further sacrifices, until finally Germany was broken in
pieces-then the century-long powerlessness came over the people. As against
that, I am determined not to give way one step. Therefore when I saw that the
old warmongers of the Great War were resuming their criminal activities in
England, when Messrs. Churchill, Eden, Duff Cooper and Hore-Belisha and so on,
and Vansittart, our great old friend, and then Chamberlain and Halifax, when
these old men again began their warmongering then it was clear to me that these
people were not concerned with reaching a just understanding with Germany, but
that they believed they could again break Germany down, cheaply, and the quicker
the easier.
You know what happened then, my countrymen. In those years, beginning in
1934, I armed. When in the Reichstag in September 1939, I outlined the extent of
German armament, the rest of the world did not believe; for those who live by
bluff think that others are only bluffing. But we have already experienced that
internally. Here, too, my opponents never believed me. When it is said that the
prophet is not without honor, save in his own country, I should like to extend
it, and say that his prophecies are not esteemed. So it always was with me. And
now it goes beyond our own country: we are having exactly the same experience as
my National Socialist co-fighters had at home. Every one of our prophecies was
laughed at, every statement was represented as ridiculous, every picture of the
future described as a fantastic chimera. We were greeted only with mockery and
laughter. Now I can only say to this world: "But I have armed and very much so."
The German people know it today. But it does not know nearly all.
But it is not at all necessary that everything should be told. What is
decisive is that everything has been done.
We have demanded nothing from the others. When France entered this war, she
had absolutely no reason. It was merely the desire to fight against Germany
again. They said, "We want the Rhineland; naturally we now want to split up
Germany; we want to tear away the Ostmark, we want to disintegrate Germany."
They actually wallowed in fantasies of the destruction of our Reich, which were
completely unreal in the 20th Century, the century of the conception of
nationality. It was simply childish.
And England? I held out my hand, again and again. It was actually my program
to reach an understanding with the English people. We had really no point of
difference, absolutely none. There was a solitary point, the return of the
German colonies, and on that I said, "We will negotiate that some time, I do not
fix any time." For England those colonies are useless. They cover 40,000,000
square meters. What do they do with them? Absolutely nothing. That is only the
avarice of old usurers, who possess something and will not give it up; perverted
beings who see their neighbor has nothing to eat, while they themselves cannot
use what they possess. The mere thought of giving away something makes them ill.
Moreover, I have demanded nothing which belonged to the English, I have demanded
only what they robbed and stole in the years 1918 and 19l9. In fact, robbed and
stole against the solemn assurance of the American President. We have not asked
them for anything, not demanded anything, again and again I offered my hand for
negotiations.
Evermore clearly it became apparent that it is German unification itself,
this very State, which they hate-irrespective of its aspect, no matter whether
Imperial or National Socialist, whether Democratic or Authoritarian. Most of all
they hate the social progress of the Reich, and here, clearly, external
hatred has combined with the meanest internal egotism. For they say: "Never
shall we be reconciled with this world-it is the world of awakening social
conscience . . . (end of sentence drowned in applause). As far as this goes, I
can only tell the gentlemen on both shores of the Atlantic: "In the present war
that side will achieve victory in the end where the social conscience . . .
(several inaudible words). They can wage wars for their capitalist interests,
but in the end these wars will open the way for social risings within the
nations; for in the long run it is impossible that hundreds of millions of human
beings should be aligned according to the interests of a few individuals. In the
long run the greater interest of mankind is bound to prevail over the interests
of these little plutocratic profiteers.
Proof that in other countries, too, a crisis is already beginning to develop
in this sphere, is that English Labor Leaders now suddenly come out with new
social conceptions, so worn out and antiquated that I can only say: "Put them
back into the chest. We have already divested ourselves of this sort of
material, it is out of date. If you want to know how these things are being
done, then you must not take up programs which in our country would have been
modern in the 80's or 90's. You must come to us and study here, then you will
learn something, gentlemen." But the mere fact that anything like that is
suddenly put forward as an aim-for what then are these gentlemen actually waging
war? First, they said it was to fight against National Socialism that the
nations of the world had to be bled white, and now, suddenly they detect in
their bottom drawers, points that were in the programs of our predecessors. Why
all this? They could have had all this cheaper. But this fact furnishes proof
that there, too, the nations are showing signs of action, or if for instance a
storm breaks out in England, because somebody-a colonel or a general, I
believe-declares that in the England of such an advanced social standard, they
cannot use officers taken from the lower section of the population, but only
officers from the upper classes-the others are unfit-then I can only say, do you
get exasperated because he has said this? You should not get exasperated because
this is not the case, but not for the reason that somebody has at long last
expressed it. It is interesting that no one gets exasperated over the fact that
the reality is like this, that is to say, that in point of fact only
representatives of the upper classes can attain a position there. This is what
should exasperate you, and not the fact that by mere chance someone was, while
this war is on, unwise enough to make that statement. In our country if you are
interested to hear it, this was remedied long ago. Only a short time ago you
pointed out to us that our officers and generals were incapable, because they
are all too young and infested with National Socialist ideas. Meanwhile
developments have shown which side has the better generals. If the war continues
this will prove a great misfortune for England, and you will have ample
opportunity to gain further experience. The English will make up their minds to
send a commission which is to take over our soldiers. It is this social Germany
which is hated most by this clique, a conglomeration of Jews, their financiers
and profiteers. Our foreign policy, our policy in the interior and our economic
policy have been clearly defined. We have set ourselves only one aim: the
people. All paths upon which we set our feet will lead to this purpose.
Furthermore, we recognize that unless one wants to destroy everything, one must
start and proceed on this path with many compromises and many leniencies. But
the movement is not the temporary appearance of one man. Many years ago, in Mein
Kampf I said that National Socialism will put its stamp on the next thousand
years of Germany history. You cannot conceive it without National Socialism. It
will only then disappear when its program has become a matter of course. But not
before that time.
But even in war, the possibility of an understanding still existed. At
once, after the war with Poland, I held out my hand. I did not ask anything from
either France or England. It was in vain. After the collapse in the west, I
again held out my hand to England. I was received with derision. They
practically spat at me. They were indignant. All right. Everything is in vain.
The financial interests of this Democracy are victorious over the true National
interests. Once more, the nations' blood must be at the service of the money of
this small group of interested people. Thus the war started and thus it will go
on. But, looking back, I may point out one thing: the year behind us and the
last part of the previous year have practically decided this war. The opponent
which they first mobilized against us in the East was overthrown in a few weeks.
The attempt to cut us off from Norway and the iron ore bases, and to gain a base
for attack against Northeast Germany was dealt with in the same way, within a
few weeks. The attempt to reach the border of the Ruhr and the Ruhr zones via
Holland and Belgium collapsed after a few days. France went the same way.
England was chased from the Continent.
I sometimes read now of a British intention to begin a great offensive
somewhere. I have only one wish: that they should inform me of it in advance;
then I would have this European territory cleared beforehand. I should like to
save them the difficulties of landing and we should then introduce ourselves and
discuss matters once more. And in the language which is the only one they
understand they now have hopes. For they must have hopes. What are they
expecting now?
We are now standing on this Continent and from where we stand nobody will be
able to remove us again. We have created certain bases, and when the time comes
we shall deal the decisive blows, and that we have made good use of our time
will be historically impressed on the gentlemen during this year.
What are they waiting for? For the help of others? I can only say one thing:
we have from the beginning allowed for any eventuality. That the German nation
has no quarrel with the Americans is evident to everybody who does not
consciously wish to falsify truth. At no time has Germany had interests on the
American Continent except perhaps that she helped that Continent in its struggle
for liberty. If States on this continent now attempt to interfere in the
European conflict, then the aim will only be changed more quickly. Europe will
then defend herself. And do not let people deceive themselves. Those who believe
they can help England must take note of one thing: every ship, whether with or
without convoy which appears before our torpedo tubes is going to be torpedoed.
We are involved in a war which we did not want. Otherwise one could not
stretch out one's hand to the other side. However, if those financial hyenas
want war, if they want to exterminate Germany, they will get the surprise of
their lives. This time they are not up against a weakened Germany, as they were
during the World War. This time, they have joined battle with a Germany which is
mobilized to the limit of her power, able and resolved to fight. However, should
the other side entertain hopes to the contrary, then I can only say, "I cannot
understand you."
They speak of Italy's coming defection. Let those gentlemen not invent
revolution in Milan, let them rather see that unrest does not break out in their
own countries.
Those countries view the relationship between Germany and Italy as they do
their own. If in democracies one gives aid to the other, he asks a quid pro
quo-bases or something of the sort. These he then owns. When, therefore, the
Italians sent aircraft formations to the Atlantic coast the English newspapers
wrote that the Italians were putting their oar in the conduct of the war, and
that they would in future demand an Atlantic base by way of compensation. On the
other hand, now that German aircraft formations are in Sicily, they say that
presumably Germany will confiscate that island. These gentlemen can be quite
certain that no German or Italian is moved by such fine stories. Such tales show
only the pathetic lack of spirit of those people who in England retail such
anecdotes.
We can deduce from those writings that the people over there have not yet
understood the meaning of the present war, but we have understood it very well.
Wherever we can meet England we will meet her. However, if they regard the
present setbacks of our partner as evidence of their victory, then I really
cannot understand Englishmen. Whenever they have setbacks of their own they
regard them as big victories. The gentlemen over there may be convinced our
calculation is quite accurate, and the reckoning will be made after the war,
foot by foot, square kilometer by square kilometer. Another thing these people
must understand, the Duce and myself are not Jews nor out for bargains. If we
shake hands, that is the handshake of men of honor. I hope that in the course of
the year the gentlemen will acquire a more accurate understanding of this.
Perhaps they pin their hopes on the Balkans. If I were they, I would not give
much for that. One thing is certain. Whenever England puts in an appearance we
shall attack her, and we are sufficiently strong to do so.
Perhaps they pin their hopes on other countries which they can involve in
this war. I don't know. But my Party comrades, men and women, you have known me
for so many years as a careful man with foresight; I can assure you that every
possible contingency has been weighed and calculated. We shall win final
victory.
Perhaps, though probably not to the same extent, they expect famine. We have
organized our lives. We know at the beginning that there would not be too much
of anything in war time. However, the German nation will never starve, never,
rather will the English nation, those gentlemen can be sure of that.
Raw material shortage! That too, we have foreseen, and have for that reason
made our Four Year's Plan. Maybe this has already dawned on some Englishmen.
There might be one other point. Perhaps they really believe that once again
they will be able to dope the German nation with their lies, their propaganda
and their empty words. To this I can only say that they should not have slept
for so long. It would be better for them to look into the development of the
German nation somewhat more carefully. In the same way, they were idiotic enough
to try to estrange the Italian nation and the Duce. One British lord rises and
appeals to the Italian nation no longer to follow the Duce, but his lordship.
That is too idiotic. Such an ass (next words drowned). Then another lord rises
and admonishes the German nation to follow his lordship, and to turn away from
me. I can only tell these people: "Others in Germany have tried that game."
Those people have no conception of the German nation, of the National-Socialist
State, of our community, the army of our marching masses, of our people. Those
people have no conception of our propaganda. Perhaps, because they themselves
were not quite convinced of the effectiveness of their ideas, which they
borrowed from some people in Germany. However, these people are those who so
miserably failed here, the emigrants who had to leave. Such are their advisors,
and we can see it by the pamphlets. We know for certain that this one was
written by this fellow, that one by that fellow. Just as idiotic as (following
drowned) in the time of the "system." Only at that time this stuff was labeled
Vossische Zeitung and is now labeled Times or something, and those people
imagine that these old, old stories, which were a failure in the Vossische
Zeitung will now be successful because they are published by The Times or the
Daily Telegraph.
A real softening of the brain has broken out in these Democracies. They can
rest assured, the German people will do everything necessary for its interest.
It will follow its leadership. It knows that its leadership has no other goal.
It knows that today the man at the head of the Reich is not one with a packet of
shares in his pocket and with ulterior motives. This German people, I know it
and I am proud of it, is pledged to me and will go with me through thick and
thin. An ancient spirit has come to life again in this people-a spirit which was
with us once before, a fanatic readiness to accept any burden. We will repay
every blow with compound interest. The blow will only harden us, and whatever
they mobilize against us, and if the world were full of devils, we will succeed
all the same (quote from Luther's hymn, "A mighty fortress is our God"). But
when they end up by saying: "But think of all the mistakes they made!" God, who
doesn't make mistakes! This morning I read that an Englishman, I don't know how,
has calculated that I made seven mistakes last year. The man is mistaken. I have
checked it. I did not make seven mistakes but 724. But I continued to calculate
and found that my opponents had made 4,385,000. That is right. I have checked it
carefully. We will manage to get on in spite of our mistakes. We will make as
many mistakes this year as last year, and if I make as many mistakes as in 1940,
then I must thank God on my knees at the end of the year for letting me make
only seven mistakes. And if the enemies do as many clever things as last year, I
shall be satisfied.
We go into the new year with a fighting force armed as never before in our
German history. The number of our divisions on land has been enormously
increased. Pay has been increased, the gigantic unique experience of war among
the leaders and the file has been put to use. The equipment has been
improved-our enemies will see how it has been improved (applause and commotion).
In the spring our U-boat war will begin at sea, and they will notice that we
have not been sleeping (shouts and cheers). And the Air Force will play its part
and the entire armed forces will force the decision by hook or by crook. Our
production has increased enormously in all spheres. What others are planning we
have achieved. The German people follows its leadership with determination,
confident in its armed forces and ready to bear what fate demands. The year
1941 will be, I am convinced, the historical year of a great European New Order.
The program could not be anything else than the opening up of the world for all,
the breaking down of individual privileges, the breaking of the tyranny of
certain peoples, and better still, of their financial autocrats
CONCLUSION
Finally this year will help to assure the basis for understanding between the
peoples, and thereby, for their reconciliation. I do not want to miss
pointing out what I pointed out on 3rd of September [1940] in the German
Reichstag, that if Jewry were to plunge the world into war, the role of Jewry
would be finished in Europe. They may laugh about it today, as they laughed
before about my prophecies. The coming months and years will prove that I
prophesied rightly in this case too. But we can see already how our racial
peoples which are today still hostile to us will one day recognize the greater
inner enemy, and that they too will then enter with us into a great common
front. The front of Aryan mankind against Jewish-International exploitation and
destruction of nations.
The year which lies behind us has been a year of great successes, but also,
it is true, one of many sacrifices. Even if the total number of dead and wounded
is small in comparison with former wars the sacrifices for each individual
family concerned weigh heavy. Our whole sympathy, our love and care belongs to
those who had to make these sacrifices. They have suffered what generations
before us also had to suffer. Each individual German had to make other
sacrifices. The nation worked in all spheres. German women worked to replace
men. It is a wonderful idea of community which dominates our people. That this
ideal, that our whole strength should be preserved in the coming year-this
should be our wish today. That we will work for this community-let that be our
vow. That we conquer in devotion to this community-that is our faith, one in
which we are confident, and that the Lord should not abandon us in this struggle
of the coming year-let that be our prayer.